In the final session, pessimism was expressed about the role of NGOs in spurring political reforms in China. Tocqueville explored various means of overcoming individualism in democratic countries. But democracies, unlike China, enjoy the freedoms of association, press, and religion.

The Chinese government has become sophisticated in its detection and repression of politically ambitious civil society groups. An organization's mission, sources of funding, and registration status all become irrelevant once the government has identified the group as a political threat. Without fail, as Chinese NGOs struggle to develop an independent operational space, they inevitably find themselves constrained by state regulations and restrictions. Has the government truly broadened its acceptance of civil society activity since the 1980s? The Party has also been known to fabricate violations so as to entrap and hamstring NGOs. All the while, the government closely monitors public opinion, both domestically and abroad.

Even in the event that a citizens' movement were to successfully create more political space in which to operate, optimistic observers would be wise to temper their expectations as to the development of broad-based political liberalism. It is fashionable, within policy circles, to ruminate about the possible decline of the Chinese Communist Party. But while the regime is certainly not monolithic, its disillusioned bureaucrats seem largely uninterested in real reform.

Nor does China's nascent civil society seem strong enough to take substantial advantage of any opening--intentional or not. On the whole, considering the restrictions on such key freedoms in China--such as freedom of association and religion--one may well have to look for different avenues from which the impetus for political reform may come.

Here, given the extent of social injustice in China, it seems inevitable that dissatisfied citizens will eventually push back against the regime. In particular, China's current political system engenders discontent among Chinese public intellectuals who are likely to react by intervening on behalf of society's more vulnerable classes--a reflection, perhaps, of Chinese citizens' continued adherence to Confucian ideals. Tocqueville believed that French intellectual groups had the potential to play a progressive role in the Revolution, but he also judged their lack of true political experience as resulting in misguided and counterproductive proposals.

In case of China, the educated elite are not attracted to NGOs, given their restricted range of operations. However, some idealistic intellectuals have demonstrated a growing interest in such areas as journalism and the law. And the use of the internet and new communication technologies has allowed a virtual community of reformers to come into existence, which in turn has provided the international community an opportunity to establish a network of support for China's fledgling reform efforts. It is perhaps this synergy as much as the activities of NGOs that will, it was suggested, be most effective in creating space for the expansion of Chinese civil society.

Session III: NGOs in China

1. NGOs in China: An Overview
2. Classifying Chinese NGOs
3. The Influence of NGOs on Chinese Society
4. Alexis De Tocqueville on Civic Associations
5. NGO Cooperation in China: The View from the Ground
6. NGOs and China's Citizen Movement