Benghazi's smoking guns
There's an arsenal worth, from testimony at congressional hearings to the State Department's flawed internal review to the four dead Americans.

Reuters

U.S. President Barack Obama reacts after answering questions about the attack on the U.S. embassy in Benghazi, Libya, during a joint news conference with Britain's Prime Minister David Cameron (not pictured) in the East Room of the White House in Washington, May 13, 2013.

Article Highlights

  • There's an arsenal worth of smoking guns. #Benghazi

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  • More central to the Benghazi debate are the talking points that Obama and Clinton used for weeks after the attacks.

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  • The true core of the Benghazi story has nothing to do with media vanity or talking points — or a political circus.

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President Obama was asked about the metastasizing Benghazi scandal in a joint news conference with British Prime Minister David Cameron on Monday. Referring to the Americans who died in Benghazi, the president said, "We dishonor them when we turn things like this into a political circus." He added that "the whole issue of talking points, throughout this process, frankly, has been a sideshow.… There's no there there."

He's half right. The talking points drafted by the State Department, the CIA and the White House and given to congressional Republicans and, most famously, to U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice are not the center of this story.

I think there was a lot of mischief behind those talking points, which we now know were sanitized, folded, spindled and mutilated to fit a political agenda.

But it's worth remembering that Obama and then-Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton didn't get their information from the talking points. They got their information earlier and from much higher authorities, like then-CIA Director David H. Petraeus. The CIA believed the attacks were terrorist-driven early on. According to ABC News correspondent Jonathan Karl, when Petraeus saw the talking points, he thought they were useless.

More central are the talking points — written or unwritten — that Obama and Clinton used for weeks after the attacks. The president said Monday that he immediately referred to the Benghazi attacks as "terrorism." This is at best a brutal bending of the truth. He used the word "terror" generically in the Rose Garden on Sept. 12. And then for the next two weeks, he went on a media blitz blaming a video, including in an interview recorded that day with "60 Minutes." In a segment that "60 Minutes" helpfully sat on for almost two months, Obama told Steve Kroft that "it's too early to know" whether the attack was terrorism. He then went on "The View," Univision and David Letterman pushing the idea that it was all about a video. At the United Nations, he condemned a "crude and disgusting" video but didn't mention terrorism.

Clinton followed suit. She told grieving family members of the fallen that the U.S. would track down the makers of the video. And, so far, the only person connected with the whole incident who has been punished is the filmmaker, who continues to languish in jail, admittedly on unrelated charges.

If you assume they knew the truth about the nature of the attack, how are those statements not proof of a coverup? The talking points are incidental.

But in a very serious way, so is the coverup.

As Washington Examiner columnist Byron York notes, the Republican obsession with the smoking gun stems from the fact that "they are captive to the Washington mind-set that the coverup is always worse than the crime."

This Washington cliche isn't an iron law of the universe. The media like it, I think, because the coverup invariably involves them. When the story is about how the media have been misled, the media can always be counted on to perk up, as we saw last Friday when White House spokesman Jay Carney was eaten alive on C-SPAN.

But the true core of this story has nothing to do with media vanity or talking points — or a political circus. The real issue is that for reasons yet to be determined — politics? ideology? incompetence? all three? — the administration was unprepared for an attack on Sept. 11, of all dates. When the attack came, they essentially did nothing as our own people were begging for help — other than to tell those begging to help that they must "stand down."

Again, there's an arsenal worth of smoking guns, from uncontested sworn testimony at the Benghazi hearings to the State Department's flawed internal review to the four dead Americans, including a U.S. ambassador sent to Benghazi on Clinton's orders. That's the there there — regardless of what happened with the talking points. There is, from what we know so far, at best circumstantial evidence pointing to why they pushed this video story so hard. Though, as Thoreau once said, "some circumstantial evidence is very strong, as when you find a trout in the milk."

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    A bestselling author and columnist, Jonah Goldberg's nationally syndicated column appears regularly in scores of newspapers across the United States. He is also a columnist for the Los Angeles Times, a member of the board of contributors to USA Today, a contributor to Fox News, a contributing editor to National Review, and the founding editor of National Review Online. He was named by the Atlantic magazine as one of the top 50 political commentators in America. In 2011 he was named the Robert J. Novak Journalist of the Year at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). He has written on politics, media, and culture for a wide variety of publications and has appeared on numerous television and radio programs. Prior to joining National Review, he was a founding producer for Think Tank with Ben Wattenberg on PBS and wrote and produced several other PBS documentaries. He is the recipient of the prestigious Lowell Thomas Award. He is the author of two New York Times bestsellers, The Tyranny of Clichés (Sentinel HC, 2012) and Liberal Fascism (Doubleday, 2008).  At AEI, Mr. Goldberg writes about political and cultural issues for American.com and the Enterprise Blog.

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