February 2007
Five months after United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701 ended last summer’s war between Israel and Hezbollah, Lebanon’s political landscape descended into chaos. Since the implementation of a ceasefire last August, the Shiite militia led by Hassan Nasrallah has agitated for greater “power-sharing” and vowed to bring down the Western-backed government of Lebanese prime minister Fouad Siniora. Hezbollah’s brinkmanship has diverted attention from its disarmament and scuttled the creation of an international tribunal to try the killers of former Lebanese premier Rafiq Hariri--both key demands of the international community. Meanwhile, rumors swirl about a possible deal between Iran and Saudi Arabia to reshape the Lebanese government, with Iranian proxies and Saudi-supported Sunni factions coming together to edge out Syrian-supported parliamentarians. On February 26, 2007, AEI hosted Lebanese parliament member Walid Jumblatt, a leader of the Cedar Revolution, who spoke about these pressing issues.
Walid Jumblatt
Parliament of Lebanon
The Cedar Revolution denied Syria control of Lebanon and forced Syrian troops out of our country, but it came at a cost. Lebanon lost Prime Minister Hariri and since then, the sequence of terror has not stopped. Those who dared to challenge Syrian influence in Lebanon became targets. We must bring the murderers to justice through the creation of an international tribunal. Without such a tribunal, there is no way to punish the killers. We need international support because the Lebanese system of justice has been compromised by thirty years of Syrian occupation.
The price of the Cedar Revolution was high, but it was successful. Through this victory, the people of the Middle East showed the world that we are capable of democracy and self-rule.
The stability of Lebanon is threatened by the allies of Syria, primarily Hezbollah. Hezbollah is a totalitarian party, with a totalitarian ideology, backed by the regimes of Syria and Iran.
In Lebanon, an internal de facto state seeks to undermine a de jure state. If we succeed in disarming Hezbollah peacefully, we can have a strong Lebanese state. If we fail, the result will send a resounding message to the rest of the Middle East that militias can render the democratic de jure state meaningless.
Hezbollah’s primary postwar aim is not simply to secure a fair share of power. If Hezbollah wants a better share of power, it must accept and abide by the classical rules of democracy, it should abide by the rule of law, and it should relinquish its weapons to the Lebanese army. In a democracy, a party cannot possess rockets to change the rules of the game. Lebanon must, with international assistance, control the border with Syria; if not weapons and ammunition will continue to flow into the hands of Hezbollah and its allies.
The consequences of failure will be enormous for the entire Middle East if Lebanese democracy crumbles. At stake are the values of democracy and freedom. We must stand firm against those who exploit Lebanon for their own purposes.
In order to get Damascus to respect Lebanese independence, Lebanon must help the Syrian opposition change their regime. Until then, the moderates will never have peace. We must speak to credible opposition figures and encourage them to offer an alternative of peace for the Syrian people, which will result in a greater opportunity for peace in Lebanon and the Middle East. The path is long and the price is enormous, but we will win.
AEI intern Betsy Bryant prepared this summary.
