Individual social organizations perform a wide variety of functions: They can act as a bridge between the state and its citizens, or simply facilitate the assembly of like-minded individuals. Social organizations may also provide educational, health, or legal services, while others are dedicated to advocacy on issues such as the environment and HIV/AIDS.

The influence of GONGOs in China reflects Tocqueville’s observation that the civic value of associations cannot be separated from the political system they operate under. Indeed, GONGOs and NGOs that receive government support or employ former government officials provide the state a means of subtly exerting its will on society. Even those community-based NGOs that otherwise operate with relative autonomy are often forced to report to local government officials on a regular basis. The only organizations with no relationship to the Chinese Communist Party are groups, like the Falun Gong, whose activities are banned and whose followers are actively persecuted. The groups which maintain the greatest operational independence, on the other hand, are the non-profit NGOs that have registered as businesses.

Tocqueville famously described the Americans of his time as having an unequal passion for creating associations of all manner and kinds.  Whereas Americans are described as eager to engage in civic groups, Chinese citizens do so with a greater degree of trepidation. There are a number of possible reasons why this is the case. The personal and political risks involved with starting an NGO--registered or not--may be prohibitive. Chinese cultural traits may also discourage informal assemblies of like-minded individuals, as associational patterns in the past were mainly built around family connections, not ideas-based. China’s history may also be to blame, given that there have consistently been strong central Chinese governments to provide social forums and services--most recently in the forms of GONGOs and government-sponsored federations. It is important, however, to note that in particular fields, such as HIV/AIDS research, Chinese NGOs have, in fact, flourished. And the spectrum of groups has recently broadened to include organizations oriented toward farmers, artists, and literature enthusiasts.

As is to be expected, leadership models vary between organizations. While many feature rigidly hierarchical organizational structures, others have been known to favor more democratically-oriented management strategies--allowing employees to vote on their own wages, for example. Dynamic personal leadership has also proven to be a critical component in the success of Chinese social organizations--some groups have been known to flounder after their charismatic leaders move on to other endeavors. It remains to be seen whether those social organizations with democratic mechanisms will inspire subtle shifts in Chinese society at large.

Despite the dramatic increase in the number NGOs in China since the 1990s, many Chinese citizens remain relatively ignorant of the presence and achievements of these organizations. Citizens’ lack of familiarity seems understandable, however, given that the term “nongovernmental organization” was almost entirely foreign to life in China prior to 1995. Chinese NGOs represent a valuable reservoir of social capital, to be sure. Their potential for shaping Chinese society will remain latent, however, until a larger percentage of China’s population becomes active and involved in social organizations.

I. NGOs in China: An Overview
II. Classifying Chinese NGOs
III. The Influence of NGOs on Chinese Society
IV. Alexis De Tocqueville on Civic Associations
V. NGO Cooperation in China: The View from the Ground
VI. NGOs and China's Citizen Movement