Tocqueville believed that the there was a tendency of modern states to head toward despotism, not democracy. Political freedom is difficult to achieve, Tocqueville observed, and it requires diligent leadership and the right mix of institutions. Tocqueville would probably not have been surprised, therefore, about the state of political life in China. Indeed, he would no doubt have viewed—and in fact did view—the liberal democracy of the United States as a happy exception to most political arrangements around the world.  A major component of Americans’ collective resistance to less liberal forms of governance has been the creation of free institutions. Civic associations, Tocqueville argues, draw citizens outside of themselves and allow for self-governance on a small scale.  But, perhaps more important, when opportunities for self-governance are combined with the pursuit of common interests and values, civic associations can transform themselves into political organizations—groups aimed at actively shaping political outcomes. The key to the latter involves having a chance to do so, because these associations exist in a democratic polity.

As a result, Tocqueville, therefore, would likely have been wary of jumping to the conclusion that China’s NGOs are an inevitable force for political liberalization.  While the opportunity for self-governance among some Chinese NGOs allows for the growth in democratic and liberalizing moeurs among members, the ability of these organizations then to evolve into political entities is of course stymied by the current Chinese system of governance.  His analysis suggests that, barring a dramatic change in the Chinese political system, the ability of Chinese NGOs to influence Chinese civic life in a transformative way will be limited.

An important function of civic and political organizations is to educate individuals about being citizens in a free society. Such groups may also form alliances with like-minded organizations in order to lobby the government or coordinate their advocacy messages. Shared interests among civic groups are a natural precursor to the development of political associations. But civic associations—reservoirs of social capital though they may be—cannot promote liberalism or sustain political freedom on their own.

Furthermore, social capital does not become political capital as readily as some groups may hope. To understand the dynamic between civic and political associations, it is helpful to consider two different types of regimes. The first is real totalitarian despotism, in which every organization is a tool of state. The second is the corporatist authoritarian model, in which many common interest activities or advocacy groups are allowed to exist until they become problematic—either by challenging the system of government or making a claim to justice. For example, the Chinese government, as a corporate authoritarian regime, may tolerate an environmental group that is calling attention to a particular ecological plight. The state’s patience would likely run out, however, if the same group were to challenge a specific CCP environmental policy.

The notion that civil society activity portends liberal political progress is problematic, if Tocqueville is right. Even for those groups that operate with relative autonomy, it seems that the process of self-governance only provides a lesson in good-neighborliness, rather than promoting the tendencies necessary for liberalism. Indeed, it is reasonable to presume that a stable corporatist authoritarian state could sustain a vibrant, yet contained civil society—one in which individuals and organizations are active but lack the compulsion to develop political agendas. 

Then again, some civic groups are inherently troublesome to despotic regimes. It is not an accident that religious groups have been intimately involved in political revolutions throughout history. Religious groups feature an inherent call to justice, posing an automatic challenge to repressive systems. Universities, as generators of new ideas are also perennial threats to authoritarian regimes. The same can be said of newspapers, which can spin small ideas into bigger issues, and ethnic minorities, through whom one idea can be promulgated among a broader group of people. To understand the future role of civil society in China, it will be important to examine the nature of prominent civic associations and identify the terms on which they engage with the regime. Are they simply seeking the redress of minor grievances? Are they providing a benign service or forum that the state cannot? Or are they calling attention to systemic flaws in the state’s model of governance?

In his Ancien Regime, Tocqueville’s native France provides the basis for a study of civil society, as he seeks to understand the forces which had, prior to the revolution, managed to stifle all attempts at civic association. In poring over state documents from the pre-Revolutionary era, Tocqueville comes to understand the vast bureaucratic schemes which had prevented civic engagement and political activity. He further finds that the Revolution had adopted the same despotic features of the Old Order, again undermining the incentive for French citizens to create and engage in such civic life. 

Tocqueville values civic associations because he believes that they promote liberal habits and encourage citizens to think independently. But do civic groups open political space? The answer has proven to be context-dependent, and in the case of China, the context is particularly murky. A look back at China’s modern history reveals a tumult of civil society efforts. An examination of traditional, centralized, Chinese bureaucratic order, the Communist Party’s totalitarian handle on society or even today’s attempt to foster Confucian neo-traditionalism, might suggest that China in locked into a path of despotism. But, then again, Chinese culture has supported or at least not prevented more liberal forms of rule to come into fruition in Taiwan and Hong Kong, where civic associations did flourish.

I. NGOs in China: An Overview
II. Classifying Chinese NGOs
III. The Influence of NGOs on Chinese Society
IV. Alexis De Tocqueville on Civic Associations
V. NGO Cooperation in China: The View from the Ground
VI. NGOs and China's Citizen Movement