Claude Barfield, a former consultant to the office of the U.S. Trade Representative, researches international trade policy (including trade policy in China and East Asia), the World Trade Organization (WTO), intellectual property, and science and technology policy. His many books includeFree Trade, Sovereignty, Democracy: The Future of the World Trade Organization (AEI Press, 2001), in which he identifies challenges to the WTO and to the future of trade liberalization.
Consultant, Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 1982-85
Co-Staff Director, President's Commission for a National Agenda for the Eighties, 1979-81
Professional Staff Member, Senate Governmental Affairs Committee, U.S. Senate, 1977-79
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Research, Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1974-77
Reporter, National Journal, 1970-74
Faculty, University of Munich, 1968-69; Yale University, 1962-69
After a keynote address by Japanese Ambassador Kenichiro Sasae, a panel of trade experts will discuss Japan’s participation in the TPP, the politics of the agreement in Congress, and the likelihood that negotiations will end successfully. This event comes just one day before the next round of TPP negotiations begin in Lima, Peru.
This event will explore the policy arguments from opposing perspectives on gas exports and feature a luncheon address by Indian Ambassador Nirupama Rao, who has been an advocate for US natural gas exports.
There is great lamentation these days about the state of the multilateral trading system and its institutional symbol, the World Trade Organization (WTO). The Doha Round of multilateral negotiations has now dragged on for 12 years, with no end in sight on major issues. Now, attention is focused on salvaging a "mini" outcome when WTO trade ministers meet in Bali in December.
Since 2010, there have been 16 negotiating sessions for the TPP. Talks this year represent the beginning of the 'endgame' for creating this crucial trans-Pacific economic architecture. Should the upcoming bargaining reach a stalemate during the fall, it is likely that the whole project will begin to unravel in 2014.
The administration is misguided in bowing to the EU’s frantic plea for a crash, two-year timetable for free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations. Such a course will fail — and of much greater significance, it may well imperil a successful conclusion of the strategically and economically vital TPP negotiations.
There is a reason that it’s hard to find high-quality winter tomatoes from Mexico or textiles and apparel from poor countries in Asia, Africa and South America. Those markets have been largely closed off to the U.S., in an example of our government’s refusal to abandon old-fashioned 20th –century protectionism in agriculture and manufacturing.
US regional trade policy, as it has emerged since the early 1990s, has displayed two characteristics: a goal of deeper integration than could be achieved in multilateral negotiations in the World Trade Organization; and the inextricable linkage between US international economic policy and broader US diplomatic and security goals. These themes are evident particularly in US diplomacy in Asia.
Over the past several decades, a new trade paradigm has arisen, one that deemphasizes domestic, vertically integrated firms competing in end products with similarly integrated firms from other nations. Instead, from automobiles to electronics, chemicals, and clothing, the production process has dispersed.